American Constitutional Unxceptionalism
An article by David Savage in the L.A. Times portrays Justice Kennedy's opinion in Boumediene as of a piece with his penchant for looking to foreign and comparative law for guidance in constitutional issues. The article---which accurately quotes me as agreeing with the basic thesis---notes that the opinion rests mostly on U.S. sources. The foreign cases cited are English cases, which are obviously relevant in assessing the historical scope of a legal form (habeas corpus) that the colonies and later the U.S. inherited from England. Nonetheless, Savage argues, and I agree, that Justice Kennedy's frequent exchanges with jurists on the world stage was likely influential.
I say in the story that the Kennedy opinion is "entirely in line with post-World War II human rights law . . . . One principle is you don't detain people without a trial." Now, this is indeed a principle of international human rights law (i.e., I agree with myself). See, for example, Article 9.4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It states: "Anyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful." Yet merely to read this provision is to see a deep resonance with habeas corpus, and that's no accident: The ICCPR and, indeed, the foundational texts of modern international human rights laws, are in substantial measure, American products.
To be clear, the U.S. has taken the position, supported by the text of the ICCPR's Article 2, that the Covenant itself does not apply outside a country's territory. But of course Boumediene did not purport to apply the ICCPR. It applied the Suspension Clause of the Constitution, which has no clear territorial limit, at least not in the text.
My deeper point is that people who criticize Justice Kennedy and others for importing foreign notions into the Constitution when they rely on foreign and international materials are way off base. As the legal hegemon of the last 60 years, the U.S. has had a much greater impact on the global legal order than vice-versa, and that can only be to the benefit of the U.S. However, if the legal isolationists succeed in cutting off U.S. judicial participation in the global dialogue, then foreign and international law will stop looking to the U.S. as well. To use a trade analogy, it's foolhardy for a net exporter to ban imports, as that will only lead to retaliatory measures that hurt the exporter where it counts the most.
Posted by Mike Dorf
I say in the story that the Kennedy opinion is "entirely in line with post-World War II human rights law . . . . One principle is you don't detain people without a trial." Now, this is indeed a principle of international human rights law (i.e., I agree with myself). See, for example, Article 9.4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It states: "Anyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful." Yet merely to read this provision is to see a deep resonance with habeas corpus, and that's no accident: The ICCPR and, indeed, the foundational texts of modern international human rights laws, are in substantial measure, American products.
To be clear, the U.S. has taken the position, supported by the text of the ICCPR's Article 2, that the Covenant itself does not apply outside a country's territory. But of course Boumediene did not purport to apply the ICCPR. It applied the Suspension Clause of the Constitution, which has no clear territorial limit, at least not in the text.
My deeper point is that people who criticize Justice Kennedy and others for importing foreign notions into the Constitution when they rely on foreign and international materials are way off base. As the legal hegemon of the last 60 years, the U.S. has had a much greater impact on the global legal order than vice-versa, and that can only be to the benefit of the U.S. However, if the legal isolationists succeed in cutting off U.S. judicial participation in the global dialogue, then foreign and international law will stop looking to the U.S. as well. To use a trade analogy, it's foolhardy for a net exporter to ban imports, as that will only lead to retaliatory measures that hurt the exporter where it counts the most.
Posted by Mike Dorf
11 Comments:
At 12:51 PM,
Kenji said…
"However, if the legal isolationists succeed in cutting off U.S. judicial participation in the global dialogue, then foreign and international law will stop looking to the U.S. as well."
I don't see this as a problem, if the global dialog will continue at the legislative and executive level, because then the judiciary would be participating in the global dialog indirectly.
At 6:16 PM,
egarber said…
Hey guys, that's a pretty long opinion. Can somebody tell me if this accurately summarizes the opinion at a high level?
1. Because the constitution can't simply be turned off outside U.S. borders , foreign nationals held at G Bay DO have habeas rights. In other words, because of the separation of powers framework, it was unconstitutional to strip the courts of HC jurisdiction.
2. The procedures in the DTA and MCA aren't adequate enough to pass muster under HC -- specifically because the district court was only granted authority to validate pre-determined procedures, and because applicants can't present their own evidence.
Is that basically correct? I need to start with the overall thrust before I drown myself in details :)
At 7:34 PM,
Michael C. Dorf said…
eric, you have it right from a bird's eye view, although a worm's eye view would point out some further wrinkles. i'm going to write my findlaw column on this for tomorrow.
At 5:54 PM,
Tantallonblog said…
I’ll look forward to the Findlaw article but I’m still wondering about the controversy.
The contention that resort to non-American legal sources might challenge the development of some purebred ideal of American law seems almost silly.
Is the suggestion really that mere legal ideas alone, because of the latitude and longitude from which they orginate, might somehow contaminate American judges’ development of American law?
But, if these putatively naive and impressionable judicial sots are likely to pick up wrong ideas from London, aren’t they just as likely to pick up wrong ideas from Peoria?
And isn’t the problem, therefore, if there truly is one, with the judges and not with the law? And if the problem truly is with the judges, then isn’t the problem a lot, lot bigger than where their precedents on habeas corpus have come from.
What metaphysic am I missing?
At 5:55 PM,
Tantallonblog said…
I’ll look forward to the Findlaw article but I’m still wondering about the controversy.
The contention that resort to non-American legal sources might challenge the development of some purebred ideal of American law seems almost silly.
Is the suggestion really that mere legal ideas alone, because of the latitude and longitude from which they orginate, might somehow contaminate American judges’ development of American law?
But, if these putatively naive and impressionable judicial sots are likely to pick up wrong ideas from London, aren’t they just as likely to pick up wrong ideas from Peoria?
And isn’t the problem, therefore, if there truly is one, with the judges and not with the law? And if the problem truly is with the judges, then isn’t the problem a lot, lot bigger than where their precedents on habeas corpus have come from.
What metaphysic am I missing?
At 11:15 PM,
JohnTaylor88 said…
It applied the Suspension Clause of the Constitution, which has no clear territorial limit, at least not in the text.
Article IV of the Constitution:
Section 3. New states may be admitted by the Congress into this union; but no new states shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state.
It would seem that when Congress declared Guantanamo to be outside of the territory of the United States and the President signed that declaraction into valid law, that should have been the end of the legal question.
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