Mark my ears
As promised, my FindLaw column today examines President Bush's plan to ignore Congressional earmarks in the legislative history of budget bills. Yesterday, Bush issued an executive order doing just that. As I explain in the column, ignoring earmarks is not a bad idea, and given Supreme Court precedent, a legal one at that, but Bush is very poorly positioned to lead the fight against earmarks because: 1) they are small potatoes (about $17 billion annually) compared with the giant fields of potatoes (not to mention blood) he has poured into Iraq and has foregone through tax cuts; and 2) the premise that provisions outside a statute's text are not law is contradicted nearly every time that Bush issues a signing statement asserting his right to contradict a statute's text based on his own idiosyncratic and self-serving interpretation of the Constitution.
Here I'll raise one tangential point. The Administration says it's not bound by earmarks contained only in legislative history, and (in a fact sheet) cites the following language from Cherokee Nation v. Leavitt (2005):
Let me suggest my solution to the puzzle: There isn't in fact a different rule regarding the relevance of legislative history for appropriations measures and other statutes; it's just that even those Justices who care about legislative history in general accept that it only comes into play where the statutory text is ambiguous; and where a statute's text makes a lump-sum grant to an agency, that pretty unambiguously confers on the agency the discretion to spend the money as it sees fit (consistent with other legal restrictions). But, I would venture that if the terms of an appropriation really were ambiguous, then the Justices who reject the Scalia view of legislative history in general would be willing to look to an earmark contained in a committee report for evidence of what Congress intended in the appropriation.
Posted by Mike Dorf
Here I'll raise one tangential point. The Administration says it's not bound by earmarks contained only in legislative history, and (in a fact sheet) cites the following language from Cherokee Nation v. Leavitt (2005):
where Congress merely appropriates lump-sum amounts without statutorily restricting what can be done with those funds, a clear inference arises that it does not intend to impose legally binding restrictions, and indicia in committee reports and other legislative history as to how the funds should or are expected to be spent do not establish any legal requirements on the agency . . . .(quoting Lincoln v. Vigil (1993), and in turn other cases). It's worth asking why the Court is uniformly hostile to legislative history in interpreting appropriations measures when the Justices remain divided over the relevance, if any, of legislative history in interpreting other statutes. For instance, even in Cherokee Nation itself, on a slightly different point, Justice Scalia wrote a separate concurrence restating his longstanding view that committee reports are just about always irrelevant to statutory interpretation. But he was the only Justice to make this point.
Let me suggest my solution to the puzzle: There isn't in fact a different rule regarding the relevance of legislative history for appropriations measures and other statutes; it's just that even those Justices who care about legislative history in general accept that it only comes into play where the statutory text is ambiguous; and where a statute's text makes a lump-sum grant to an agency, that pretty unambiguously confers on the agency the discretion to spend the money as it sees fit (consistent with other legal restrictions). But, I would venture that if the terms of an appropriation really were ambiguous, then the Justices who reject the Scalia view of legislative history in general would be willing to look to an earmark contained in a committee report for evidence of what Congress intended in the appropriation.
Posted by Mike Dorf
6 Comments:
At 11:38 AM,
Sobek said…
What would such a hypothetical, ambiguous appropriation look like?
At 12:23 PM,
egarber said…
What would such a hypothetical, ambiguous appropriation look like?
just a quick thought --
Maybe if spending generally applied to something like "urban infrastructure" -- but in the history there was supporting committee documentation establishing the scope to be metro-areas generally (including the burbs). Such information might clear up any confusion about whether "urban" might just mean "inner city", etc.
At 2:06 PM,
Michael C. Dorf said…
egarber provides a nice example, but note that in his example, the relevant agency would use the earmark as evidence of the sorts of projects that could be funded under the program; it would not, in virtue of the earmark, be required to fund that particular project. this is likely to be the typical case. the earmark would get funded if the agency wants to fund it, thinks the language of the statute may forbid the funding (as in the use of "urban" in egarber's example), but then turns to the earmark to bolster its conclusion that funding is permitted, and goes ahead and funds the earmark. given the sort of "iron triangle" relationships that tend to exist among congressional oversight and funding committes, agencies, and industry, i could see this sort of thing happening with some regularity.
At 4:29 PM,
egarber said…
I guess a follow up question for Mike is:
Suppose in my example there was *no* earmark in the legislative history, but the agency decides on its own to read "urban" to include the northern Atlanta suburbs, and throws money my way for a new DOL research center.
1. Might a court rule that the action violates the statute?
At 8:27 PM,
andy said…
"Earmarks Are Small Potatoes Compared to the Revenue Consumed and Lost by the Bush Administration's Spending and Taxing Decisions"
I don't think the relative size of earmarks matters all that much. Rather, as senators and congressmen have pointed out, the real problem with earmarks is that they "grease the wheels" for enacting bad legislation.
That is, senators/reps will agree to vote for something they wouldn't otherwise vote for in exchange for some dubious earmark. The facilitation of bad legislation is the true evil of earmarks.
Of course, one might argue that more legislation is good and that earmarks are salutary, in that they allow more legislation. I'd prefer that legislation go through when a rep thinks it's good, rather than because he got an earmark, though.
At 8:27 PM,
andy said…
"Earmarks are suspect, the President says, because they go beyond what the formal text of appropriations laws say. But at least earmarks do not contradict the enacted text."
I don't find this point very convincing. Sometimes the legislative history will say that e.g. a particular income tax deduction will be denied starting 1/1/87. Then, the committee report might say that this rule will not "apply to a project started on 4/4/86" or something along those lines. Giveaways in legislative history often do contradict statutory text (Maybe appropriations bills are always different from tax bills in this regard, but I doubt it).
Additionally, I don't think there is anything more wrong with issuing an EO that contradicts the text than issuing a committee report that does the same. The evil is not in writing the EO or committee report, but in the subsequent decision to give the EO or committee report legal effect. Much better that interested parties are aware of the Exec's plan to ignore the law than for the Exec to just do it silently.
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