Dorf on Law

Mostly law-related musings by Cornell Professor Michael Dorf and some of his lawyer/professor friends

Thursday, June 28, 2007

The School Assignment Cases and Grutter

There are 185 pages, all told, in the opinions in today's school assignment cases; I have not read them all and don't want to make any unduly hasty judgments. But let me address one issue of particular interest to me. One question bruited about before the decisions came down was whether the Court, with its new composition, would eviscerate or overrule its recent decision in Grutter v. Bollinger, the University of Michigan Law School case. While I might modify my view upon a closer reading of the judgments as a whole, I think we can say that neither of these possibilities occurred. Grutter retains its vitality, for reasons that are important to larger projects I have discussed here, although it may be that those who thought that Grutter could apply in a variety of circumstances turned out to be wrong.

The relevant discussion comes at pages 13-17 of the majority opinion. The majority notes that Grutter rested on "the interest in diversity in higher education." But the Court stresses that the kind of diversity at issue in Grutter was not simply "race alone," but included a variety of factors beyond race. Moreover, the admissions program approved in Grutter involved a set of holistic and individualized determinations about admissibility, and not just a crudely operated search for racial balance. The Court thus distinguishes Grutter from the present cases, certainly without overruling and also, I think, without quietly eviscerating it. I think it is this last conclusion that will occasion the most controversy, and others may point to other aspects of the ruling that they do think damage Grutter. (More on this later.)

The majority, in the course of disagreeing with those lower courts that applied Grutter to various K-12 school assignment plans, also emphasizes that Grutter "relied upon considerations unique to institutions of higher education, noting that in light of the expansive freedoms of speech and thought associated with the university environment, universities occupy a special niche in our constitutional tradition." Thus, to the majority, Grutter takes place within the "unique context of higher education," and within the tradition of academic freedom found in many First Amendment rulings over the past 50 years -- a First Amendment tradition that substantially underwrote the Court's decision in Grutter, and that is not relevant with respect to K-12 schools.

This is of special interest to me because, in several prior works and some forthcoming work, I have argued that Grutter supports a larger argument in favor of a First Amendment framework that is more institutionally oriented: that is, a framework that favors substantial judicial deference to a variety of entities that are especially important to our system of public discourse, that are bound by a variety of self-governing rules and traditions, and that accordingly are entitled to a substantial degree of autonomy. Nothing in today's discussion of Grutter undermines that approach, I think. To the contrary, the Court's explicit focus on the First Amendment aspects of Grutter tends to support it. (Although I must observe pointedly that this focus on the "unique context of higher education" was nowhere in evidence when the Court decided Rumsfeld v. Forum for Academic and Institutional Rights last term.)

Now, this leaves open some important questions, both for the Court and for my own little project. One question is this: Why is higher education a "unique context" in ways that elementary education is not, at least for purposes of this case? Courts usually speak in terms of the special expertise that universities have in deciding who shall be a member of the student body, among other questions; why do lower public schools not possess similar epistemic authority as compared to the courts? Even if the Court erred on this point, the outcome might be no different, given the very different nature of the admission plans in Grutter as compared the plans in today's cases. But the Court might have said more on this point. Perhaps the distinction is that the law school in Grutter did a better job of relating its interest in diversity to the particular expertise it wielded as a center of higher education, while the school districts in today's case engaged in a blanket assignment system that was not closely enough linked to their special interest in education. I can't say, and look forward to further commentary.

One other note I would make about this is that, if I am right, the Court found the law school's claim to epistemic authority strong enough to justify deference in Grutter, but did not find the school districts' claims to epistemic authority strong enough to justify deference in today's cases. But just last week, the Court did defer in a variety of ways to the determinations of public school administrators, in its decision in Morse v. Frederick. What gives?

I am sure much more remains to be said on the impact of today's cases on Grutter. For one thing, Grutter also comes up in a section of Chief Justice Roberts's opinion that is joined only by a plurality of the Court, and Justice Kennedy specifically refuses to join that discussion in his concurring opinion. I do not think that discussion matters to my discussion of Grutter as a First Amendment case, but it might have implications for Grutter in its primary Fourteenth Amendment aspects. Also, I noted above that whether you believe today's decisions damage Grutter may depend on what you think Grutter meant in the first place. After that decision, some commentators argued that Grutter applied naturally across a range of other environments -- public workplaces, lower public schools, and so on. Today's decisions, without definitively answering that question, certainly cast doubt on it. But that was not my impression of Grutter in the first place, so I am not sure that this really counts as evidence that today's decision reduces the footprint of its earlier decision.

In any event, to the extent that Grutter was about the degree to which courts will defer to the expertise of universities as "First Amendment institutions," certainly nothing in today's decision alters or undermines it.

4 Comments:

  • At 2:40 PM, Blogger Sobek said…

    I haven't had a chance to read the opinion yet (and I didn't follow oral arguments, so I haven't decided whether or not I support the holding), but since it looks like piecemeal commentary is acceptable, I'll offer this:

    According to CNN.com, Crystal Meredith sued in Kentucky because her child needed a three hour bus ride to get to school. Regardless of the merits or demerits of voluntary integration plans, Kentucky's plan was badly flawed.

     
  • At 9:32 PM, Blogger Mortimer Brezny said…

    Is there anyone here who can refute the historical description of the relevant precedent in Justice Stevens' dissent? (And, don't bring up Justice Thomas's concurrence, because that was aimed at Justice Breyer and ignored Justice Stevens.) Anyone care to explain why Justice Rehnquist would -- based on, say, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 -- overturn a 1967 decision he affirmed in 1978 on the basis of the 14th Amendment? Is there any way -- based on the specifically applicable precedent that Justice Stevens cites in his dissent -- that CJ Roberts' plurality is not raw judicial activism? I like Roberts, but this looks pretty bad.

     
  • At 10:02 PM, Blogger egarber said…

    I read the Roberts opinion, and my general takeaway is that the plurality at least (not sure how much Kennedy confirms or negates this) basically thought Grutter wasn't at play, for two reasons:

    1. Grutter approved race as a legitimate factor only in the context of higher university learning.

    2. Race was a mere single factor among many in assessing individual merit for enrollment -- i.e., it wasn't singularly decisive.

    In fact, in a way, I think Roberts reinforced Grutter, in that I'm almost positive he cited its finding that "racial balance" as a goal was an affront to the constitution. In other words, if he cites it as guiding precedent, that has to be good news for Grutter supporters, no?

    Also, though the plurality was careful not to expand Grutter beyond the context of higher education, at the same time it didn't specifically declare that as a limit. That tells me Roberts didn't want to engage in dicta for one; it also tells me that an elementary school policy that utilizes race as one factor in a holistic exercise to weigh an individual's qualifications might survive scrutiny by this court.

    Of course, I also think the Atlanta Hawks may have finally drafted some good long-term talent (I live in the ATL) So what do I know :)

     
  • At 10:08 PM, Blogger egarber said…

    To my post above, I should say an elementary, middle, or high school policy might survive scrutiny.

     

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