Jeffrey Rosen on Justice Kennedy
The cover story of the New Republic (available here, although you have to register for free to read past the first page) is what can only be described as an attack on Justice Anthony Kennedy by Jeffrey Rosen. The tone and content are so over the top that one wonders whether Rosen believes that Kennedy personally harmed Rosen in some way. Rosen's brief against Kennedy amounts to the following:
1) Kennedy is the most activist of the current Justices in the sense that he votes to hold laws unconstitutional more often than any other;
2) Kennedy's writing style is florid;
3) Kennedy's conception of human psychology owes more to great works of literature than to interactions with real people;
4) Kennedy professes to care about dialogue but really only wants others, including schoolchildren, to hear what he has to say and agree;
5) Kennedy merely poses as an open-minded agonizer so that lawyers and his colleagues will come to him as supplicants;
6) Kennedy's form of moderation is worse than Justice O'Connor's was because she wrote split-the-difference opinions that had no broad effect, whereas Kennedy writes in broad abstract terms.
Summarizing Rosen's argument in this way, however, does not convey the utter contempt that Rosen apparently has for Kennedy, which I find perplexing to the point of sadness. Rosen's a very smart guy and his legal scholarship is quite creative. In his incarnation as a public intellectual, he invariably stakes out what we might call a New Deal liberal position, highly skeptical of judicial review for liberal as well as conservative causes. That's a perfectly respectable position but Rosen has a bit of the very arrogance he attributes to Justice Kennedy. He, Rosen, is so sure that his view of jurisprudence is correct that he thinks that any reasonably smart person who takes a different view must be trying to pull a fast one. Thus, Rosen thinks that Kennedy's belief in the utility of courts must simply be a mask for aggrandizing his own power. It doesn't seem to occur to Rosen that Kennedy might have good reasons for his views, reasons of the sort that Ronald Dworkin and others have articulated at length. It's fine to disagree with their arguments, and I think Rosen and the conventional wisdom are right to find some of Justice Kennedy's rhetoric a bit over the top, so I'll give him point number 3. But on the substantive points, what Rosen contends is some sort of character flaw is simply a jurisprudential disagreement. To wit:
1) Kennedy is the most activist Justice because he joins the liberals in striking down laws on individual rights grounds and the conservatives on federalism grounds (and in affirmative action cases). One can disagree with any of those decisions, but Kennedy's colleagues are not less activist; they're just more predictably ideological.
2) As I said, I'll give Rosen this one. Kennedy is prone to flights of rhetoric. But note that this hardly makes him unique in the history of the Court.
3 -- 5) Rosen makes his claims about Kennedy's psychology and motives based on a few statements and quotations. Moreover, as for the claim that Kennedy merely poses at agonizing, Rosen himself cites cases in which Kennedy changed his mind after a conference vote, thus contradicting himself. In any event, Rosen's assumption that the key to understanding Justice Kennedy is psychoanalytic rather than jurisprudential is itself arrogant. One might equally probe Rosen's own childhood and early professional associations for the sources of his views.
6) Many constitutional lawyers and scholars think that Kennedy's jurisprudence---which seeks to reconcile various decisions by reference to abstract principles---is more appropriate than O'Connor's split-the-differencism. These are two positions in a jurisprudential debate. The fact that Rosen supports one view (Sunstein's) while Kennedy takes another (that of Dworkin and others) is hardly grounds for sweeping condemnation.
This post may be read as the inevitable defense of a former law clerk against an attack on his one-time boss, and at some level it is. But I want to be clear that I have no problem with strong disagreement with Justice Kennedy's decisions or approach. I often find myself disagreeing with opinions Justice Kennedy writes or joins---especially this Term. However, there's a difference between fair-minded criticism and personal attack. Rosen crosses that line.
1) Kennedy is the most activist of the current Justices in the sense that he votes to hold laws unconstitutional more often than any other;
2) Kennedy's writing style is florid;
3) Kennedy's conception of human psychology owes more to great works of literature than to interactions with real people;
4) Kennedy professes to care about dialogue but really only wants others, including schoolchildren, to hear what he has to say and agree;
5) Kennedy merely poses as an open-minded agonizer so that lawyers and his colleagues will come to him as supplicants;
6) Kennedy's form of moderation is worse than Justice O'Connor's was because she wrote split-the-difference opinions that had no broad effect, whereas Kennedy writes in broad abstract terms.
Summarizing Rosen's argument in this way, however, does not convey the utter contempt that Rosen apparently has for Kennedy, which I find perplexing to the point of sadness. Rosen's a very smart guy and his legal scholarship is quite creative. In his incarnation as a public intellectual, he invariably stakes out what we might call a New Deal liberal position, highly skeptical of judicial review for liberal as well as conservative causes. That's a perfectly respectable position but Rosen has a bit of the very arrogance he attributes to Justice Kennedy. He, Rosen, is so sure that his view of jurisprudence is correct that he thinks that any reasonably smart person who takes a different view must be trying to pull a fast one. Thus, Rosen thinks that Kennedy's belief in the utility of courts must simply be a mask for aggrandizing his own power. It doesn't seem to occur to Rosen that Kennedy might have good reasons for his views, reasons of the sort that Ronald Dworkin and others have articulated at length. It's fine to disagree with their arguments, and I think Rosen and the conventional wisdom are right to find some of Justice Kennedy's rhetoric a bit over the top, so I'll give him point number 3. But on the substantive points, what Rosen contends is some sort of character flaw is simply a jurisprudential disagreement. To wit:
1) Kennedy is the most activist Justice because he joins the liberals in striking down laws on individual rights grounds and the conservatives on federalism grounds (and in affirmative action cases). One can disagree with any of those decisions, but Kennedy's colleagues are not less activist; they're just more predictably ideological.
2) As I said, I'll give Rosen this one. Kennedy is prone to flights of rhetoric. But note that this hardly makes him unique in the history of the Court.
3 -- 5) Rosen makes his claims about Kennedy's psychology and motives based on a few statements and quotations. Moreover, as for the claim that Kennedy merely poses at agonizing, Rosen himself cites cases in which Kennedy changed his mind after a conference vote, thus contradicting himself. In any event, Rosen's assumption that the key to understanding Justice Kennedy is psychoanalytic rather than jurisprudential is itself arrogant. One might equally probe Rosen's own childhood and early professional associations for the sources of his views.
6) Many constitutional lawyers and scholars think that Kennedy's jurisprudence---which seeks to reconcile various decisions by reference to abstract principles---is more appropriate than O'Connor's split-the-differencism. These are two positions in a jurisprudential debate. The fact that Rosen supports one view (Sunstein's) while Kennedy takes another (that of Dworkin and others) is hardly grounds for sweeping condemnation.
This post may be read as the inevitable defense of a former law clerk against an attack on his one-time boss, and at some level it is. But I want to be clear that I have no problem with strong disagreement with Justice Kennedy's decisions or approach. I often find myself disagreeing with opinions Justice Kennedy writes or joins---especially this Term. However, there's a difference between fair-minded criticism and personal attack. Rosen crosses that line.
8 Comments:
At 12:17 PM,
egarber said…
I wonder how Rosen would interpret Kennedy's stern defense of judicial independence expressed in the RFRA ruling a while back.
In writing that the Fourteenth Amendment only gives Congress enforcement power, vs. declarative authority to establish substantive guarantees, was Kennedy an "activist"?
I certainly don't think so. Had the Court concluded that the substance itself could be a political question, it seems to me the judiciary would be much weaker now in the face of so much Article II over-reach by the Executive branch. I understand this isn't a crystal clear connection (RFRA was about a law passed by Congress; the President claims inherent power in "time of war") -- but judicial independence certainly means something in both contexts.
At 12:31 PM,
David C. said…
In some sense, JR’s article seems to suffer from the same criticisms that he levels at AK. One way of summing up JR’s argument is to accuse AK of framing and presenting his ideas in such a way as to bring too much attention to the medium (Justice Kennedy) rather than the message (federalism good; gay rights good; abortion bad; etc.). But I agree with Professor Dorf---this article is so contemptuous of AK that it shifts much of the attention to JR himself: You begin to wonder if Rosen was attending those Frist/DeLay impeach-the-judge events, or if JR himself had lost a significant investment in a partial-birth abortion clinic.
AK does have some unfortunate moments, such as the high school scene and some of the statements made to the Academy of Achievement, assuming they are fairly described. But JR is so intent on making the case that AK is an exceptionally haughty and self-important Justice (because let’s face it, it’s hard to praise Scalia, Rehnquist, or Brennan for being humble) that he seems to draw conclusions that his premises have difficulty supporting.
For example, as Prof Dorf points out, JR repeatedly quotes AK’s references to literature, and we are supposed to believe that these quotes, plus a lonely childhood, demonstrate that AK’s only source for understanding people is literature. (Ignore AK’s self-reported meaningful encounters with Earl Warren, the Nepalese official, the folks in the Alaskan oil rig, etc.) It strikes me as silly, though, to draw these conclusions from public speeches and interviews. When AK doesn’t personally know his audience, referring to personal friends would be an odd way to resonate with it. For example, invoking Caesar and Captain Queeg will aid the audience more than, “it’s like that time my friend Todd had a conflict at work, and his wife was upset with him because he sold their dog’s new puppies,” or some other personal anecdote. If citing literature to public audiences meant that the citer had interpersonal issues, then most writers (for example, the New Yorker staff) would be in dire need of psychiatrists. Indeed, Rosen himself props his analysis of AK by quoting the Lord Chancellor’s motto in Gilbert and Sullivan's Iolanthe. Should one conclude that Rosen has such a difficult time connecting with real people that his only way to form an opinion of AK was to draw on Gilbert and Sullivan plays? If we spanned Rosen’s entire career, could not we find just as many references to literature employed to illustrate a point?
Then there’s Rosen’s repeated mention of AK’s voting record. The clear import is that the great moralizer wishes to impose his views on a hostile populace. But to the extent that many of those votes merely strike down acts of the federal government, leaving the issues for the states to decide, then AK’s “activism” has little to do with his purported desire to cheat democracy by effecting his own moral code in the name of a false consensus.
Finally, I wonder whom Kennedy is supposed to be deceiving with his alleged act of agonizing. My sense is that the vast majority of Americans don’t follow the Supreme Court except at the most superficial level, and that they are not reading AK’s opinions or his interviews. If I’m right, then the only people he’s trying to fool with his false-agonizing are the Supreme Court watchers---e.g., the Jeffrey Rosens and the readers of Dorf on Law. If so, then he must know his cause is futile. As JR notes, he’s been shunned for the last decade because he refuses to play consistently to either the typical liberal or conservative camps. As a result, he is the big loser in the popularity contests. If he has accepted this role, then why bother with false agony? To what end? What does he supposedly gain?
In the end, I walk away thinking that AK is not abnormally modest for a Supreme Court Justice. Whether he has an abnormally high sense of importance, though, is hard to detect. My intuition is that most Supreme Court Justices are insulated from reality and quite confident that their views and ideologies are correct, and I’m not sure AK is that different. If JR is correct, though, his article fails in showing this because it really does seemed to be aimed at destroying whatever respect might exist for AK's reputation.
At 5:38 PM,
Mortimer Brezny said…
Vicious? This piece is HILARIOUS.
Comparing him to Earl Warren? Showing his pomposity at a trial of Hamlet? The best line is:
"'[G]overnments want to plan your destiny. They want to plan what you think, and this must never happen.' As a justice, Kennedy would seek to ensure that it never does happen--striking down what he viewed as dystopian laws that prevent Americans from enjoying the abstractions about liberty he cherished from his excursions into fiction."
At 11:25 PM,
Simon said…
Prof. Dorf - your reply to point 1 appears to tacitly accept Rosen's framing of judicial activism as relating to the number of statutes a justice strike down. Since such a conception strikes me as profoundly intellectually dishonest and self-evidently silly (although Rosen is hardly the first to suggest it), is that deliberate, or just an oversight?
At 2:49 PM,
Justin said…
Well at least this is more intellectually honest than the "AK is controlled by his law clerks and is easily influenced by people who talk smart" argument you hear from conservatives on a routine basis.
At 8:05 PM,
Michael C. Dorf said…
In response to Simon, I accept your amendment. I should have said: "Even accepting Rosen's definition of judicial activism . . . ." I don't like the term "judicial activism" anyway, since it usually just means "I disagree."
At 3:03 PM,
HR said…
I read the article last week and though I thought he was highly critical of Justice Kennedy I don't see how he crossed any lines (especially if you compare this article with his treatment of Justice Scalia in his most recent book on Supreme Court personalities).
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